Four Perspectives of Morocco's Constitutional Reform

One of the smaller perks of living abroad is getting information from different perspectives.   Newsstands here carry a mix of French and Arabic magazines and periodicals, most of which aren't available throughout the country, let alone Europe or the US; satellite news primarily focuses on the region, including Europe and leading international news that occasionally touches events in the US and Far East Asia.  Even internet searches first list Moroccan or French versions of American juggernauts like Google, Facebook and Amazon.

Though minor frustrations emerge while scrolling past ten French results to find a wanted English headline, every now and then I'll look at one of them to see a foreign point of view.  Not surprisingly, if often differs from its American counterpart, if one exists.  The most striking example I recently noticed was in the reporting of the Marrakesh bombing in late April.   The difference was subtle but telling.  For various reasons, each western news source I scoured refrained from describing it as a terrorist act, but all of the Arabic sources I viewed used the word "ارهاب" (terrorism) or some variation of it to describe the situation.

Perspectives differ; fittingly, it's important to look at each of them and that's what I intend to do today. This past Friday, the King of Morocco announced the results of a constitutional reform effort he initiated three months ago on the heels of the country's first demonstrations of its version of the "Arab Spring."  I looked at this event through the eyes of four news reports the following day; as expected, each provided a different perspective despite similar facts.  (for more background information on this issue, click here)

My small sample included articles published on BBC, The New York Times, The Washington Post and Al Jazeera (Arabic) news sites.  Each posted an independent analysis within 24 hours of the King's speech, but all of them covered the event differently regarding three aspects: relevance (or importance), focal point and outlook.  But first, they agreed on quite a bit as well.

Each article relied on - and reported - the same facts while quoting the King throughout.  On Friday night, King Mohammed VI spoke to the Moroccan people on television, outlining his plan for constitutional reform.  Reforms included (1) giving the prime minister and parliament more executive authority, (2) recognizing the Berber language, (3) changing the selection process for the Prime Minister and members of the Judicial branch, among others.  Other roles, such as the King's status as the military and spiritual leader will largely remain unchanged.  On 1 July, this plan will be put up for referendum.  Here, the articles' similarities are harder to find.

Their first difference focuses less on analysis of the facts and more on the importance of the issue itself.  Regarding the proximity of the reporting agency to the source, it appears that the issue's relevance - and subsequently exposure - drops significantly.

Starting with the source most closely culturally affiliated (but not geographically located) with the issue, Qatar-based Al Jazeera, the King's constitutional reforms was "front page" in the "Top News Stories" frame.  At the time, it was the fourth story (of ten - a number that changes).  Most readers - interested or not - would see this headline after a minute or so on the site.  The story also included the most related articles of the four sources.

On the England-based BBC site, the story was also "front page" and center (not requiring any scrolling); however, it was pictureless and in medium font, surrounded by a half-dozen other headlines with photos and larger script.  In the article itself, three related stories were listed, each regarding the reform effort itself.  Again, a good majority of this site's viewers couldn't miss this headline, though most may not have read the story unless interested.

In America, readers of The Times and The Post wouldn't have found the articles unless they knew about the issue from another source.  Both articles were buried in the "Africa" portion of the "World" section, a pictureless headline only.  Within its article, The Times included a link to a general overview of Morocco whereas the Post article (taken from The Associated Press) didn't include any links.  Very few viewers were likely to find these articles unless they were specifically interested in African affairs.

In the stories, the second - and most glaring difference - is noticed: the story's focal point.  Headlines revealed three major themes that appear to be the result of cultural and geographical distance.

In Al Jazeera, the focal point is as bland as the headline, "The King of Morocco Announces Plan for a New Constitution."  Through the stories first 80%, the journalist focuses on the details of the reform itself, offering little opinion on the matter.  In the remaining portion, he focuses on the reason for the reform in the first place - demonstrators - and their apparent dissatisifaction with the process in which the announced reforms were created.  If there was an undercurrent of opinion in this article, it was lost on me and Google Translate.

As indicated by its headline, "Morocco: Protestors say king's reform not enough," BBC Online focused on the negative reaction that the speech was likely to evoke, spending minimal space on the reforms itself and none on the process from which they evolved before concluding the piece with a couple paragraphs dedicated to the positive reaction.  Though not overly biased to one side, the main theme was obvious and left me wondering more about the critics' next moves and whether or not the King's plan was earnest.

The American articles were similar to each other, both focusing on the potential governmental shift that the reform may cause, but differed in how they did it.  The Times described the shift in terms of Democracy whereas the AP article on The Post looked at it in terms of the actual government system and how it may shift toward a Parliamentary Monarchy.  Supplementing this point, both articles devoted space to the speech itself, some background information and probable reactions, both positive and negative.

So, what's next?  Since we know the answer to this question (the 1 July referendum), the final difference regards outlook and whether or not the reporting agency presents an optimistic or pessimistic view of the upcoming referendum and beyond.  Differences this time appeared to follow the drifts of freedom of speech as much as geography.

Al Jazeera offered no discernable opinion, which may or may not have been a result of recent opposition to its reporting during the "Arab Spring."  Aside from leaving this article with an air of uncertainty because of my fledgling skills in the Arabic language, I felt like this piece provided the reader with the most room for indivual thought.  Lacking any opinion itself and providing only facts for the reader left me wondering how exactly the people will truly react to the reforms and whether or not I should be optimistic.

Enjoying a little more journalistic freedom, the BBC report left me feeling the most  pessimistic about the reform effort and the legitimacy of the King's efforts.  As the headline indicates, critics have been vocal against the reform process and see the new referendum date (the old one was slated for September) as a means to placate demonstrators but continue the status quo.  Additionally, one of the "related stories" doesn't quite elicit optimism, as it was entitled, "Is Morocco next for mass uprising?"

The American sources appeared more optimistic but still left room for uncertainty as I believe their limited knowledge - or better yet - understanding of the situation may have influenced their outlooks.  Both sources concluded their pieces with Moroccans voicing how they view the future.  Though both were guarded in their optimism, each believed that reforms will benefit Morocco's future.  The Times described them as a positive shift toward a viable democratic system and a "new era" for the country, while The Post cited an interviewee who regarded the plan to reform the judiciary as much needed.

Taken by themselves, a full picture of the issue eludes us.  As it appears, too many factors tend to skew the lenses of international news, whether they are geographical, cultural or political in nature.  Regarding the King's constitutional reform, each of our sources offers a unique perspective after touching upon the facts of the issue.

But with each media outlet offering a unique emphasis, focus and outlook, we find different angles of the story and how different international audiences may view the issue.  In the realm of international relations, each perspective should be respected and taken into account as we search for the right pieces to complete our picture's puzzle.

Please find the referenced articles here: BBC, New York Times, Washington Post and Al Jazeera.

Making it through a Mid-Day Dialogue

Though this couch is comfortable enough, I need to get up or risk blinking considerably longer than acceptable.  Where's that coffee?..I need to make it through this dialogue.  So far, fifteen minutes have passed and I've not gained much from the lecturer's introduction and have yet to pinpoint the main theme of her discussion.

Relocated at the refreshment table, a strong cup of coffee rests between my thumb and forefinger and my focus is sharpening from its fuzzy malaise.  From here, the open window's breeze has even stopped muffling Dr Fatima Mernissi's words, instead providing a welcome whisp of cool air on my neck.

Before I found my comfy seat, I didn't know much about our discussion leader except what my buddy told me on our way to the Fulbright house.  Apparently, she's not only renowned as one of Morocco's leading feminist scholars, she's internationally regarded as one of Morocco's leading academics.

Later, I found that Dr Fatima is from Fes, was educated in the United States (as well as other countries) and has published over a dozen books and articles on various scholarly topics.  Standing with the fresh taste of Nescafe on my palate, I still wonder what this leading scholar intends as her focal point.

Since the Fulbright director concluded his introduction, I'd written a bunch of her antecdotes and discussion points.  As interesting as they were, they collectively appeared disjointed and mutually exclusive.  A story of how Fatima was introduced to the concept of establishing her own website was followed by a quip regarding youth and their desires to be respected and later a statistic representing the current number of Arab satellite television channels.

I listened for an indicator of the discussion's theme, but I sooner found a twice-drained coffee cup.  After another hour of discussion and a question-and-answer session, I obtained an introductory pamphlet for the speech and began to piece together what our lecturer was alluding to - something I knew I should have done prior to finding that spot on the couch!

What follows is a brief account of what I took away from the pamphlet and Dr Fatima's dialogue.  I'll not include most of the points discussed, only those I found most interesting and relevant to the discussion.  If you were there and had a different perspective, please feel free to add it below!

Dr Fatima's pamphlet was most helpful in providing the missing theme.  Entitled, "The Collapse of Masculinity as the Engine of Wealth in Digital Islam," her presentation focused on how the perceptions (and to a greater extent, roles) of women and youth were changing in the Middle East.  Two factors have assisted their evolution: the internet and satellite television.

Generally speaking, the internet has acted as a medium for populations typically cut off from information to obtain it and provide feedback to audiences not once reachable.  More specifically, women and rural youth have benefited from this increased exposure, as their voices are allowed to escape the home that once served to shield them from such "intrusions."

More noted was the influence of satellite television on women's roles, specifically regarding opportunities for financial independence as well as an increased use of sex in Arab advertising.  Dr Fatima provided examples of each, noting a female Al Arabiya journalist who was employed by CNN for $500,000 in 1997, a female Lebanese singer who makes $900,000 per performance and another female Lebanese singer who's dowry is reportedly $4 million.

As a result of these types of earnings, a new relationship status quo is emerging, one that challenges the notion that a woman's place is only in the home.  Though I see these examples as extreme outliers not at all representative of the majority of the female population, I don't doubt that there's been a shift in how their success has influenced the view of gender roles in general.

Additionally, the author circulated magazine covers and advertisements contained therein around the room.   Each showed women in non-traditionally Muslim attire, and most advertisements rivaled the level of sex appeal on display in western publications.

This type of advertising undoubtedly chafes fundamentalists and moderate Arabs throughout the Middle East but is difficult to regulate, so the question was raised whether or not a double standard exists between advertising and customs and traditions in daily life.

An audience member asked, "Is this level of sexually controversial material acceptable in advertisements as well as everyday activity?"  Afterward, he provided an incident his group observed the day prior where police arrested a handful of couples who were publicly necking, indicating that he believed a gap - even in moderate Morocco - exists between what's acceptable in magazines and everyday activity.  After our dialogue leader's neutral answer, I was left wondering.

Regardless, after an hour with Dr Fatima, I came to respect her point of view particularly with respect to the significance of increased connectivity.  As a result of being able to obtain and share information over the internet and satellite television, I don't doubt that Muslim women (and youth in general) are seeing an increased opportunity for a more prominent role in society.  Being able to grasp previously withheld information and touch once isolated audiences, it definitely follows that both groups should enjoy new economic and social opportunities.

Additionally, as our scholar alluded in her introduction, these groups not only want respect but they respect the artists currently seen in these medium outlets.  Her pamphlet concludes with a recent poll result where Moroccans voted a female stage artist known for performing nude as more influential than one of the country's most eloquent and influential party leaders.

Though I'm not convinced that poll accurately reflects the Moroccan people's true beliefs regarding Moroccan power-holders, it supports our speaker's point that controversial issues (and their proponents) enjoy once-reserved popularity and might advance gender equality in the public's perception.

Overall, I took a good bit from the discussion and was glad to find room in the audience despite my initial difficulties in finding the doctor's theme.  A few other takeaways:

• Quotes: "When you are angry, say something nice or nothing at all."  "Eat and drink but don't take too much."  "Allah doesn't like those who are too eager to consume."  "The men can fight but the women can talk."  
• Arab money is going to the west more than it should; instead, it needs to go to the Arab people.
• Consumerism is a western concept and often negatively viewed through Muslim eyes as self-centered and individualistic.
• In Sufism, the stranger is looked at as a welcome change to a known point of view.  We might all benefit from taking this point of view.
• Political realms lack creativity; therefore, women should not feel that their presence is missed should they be excluded from the process.
• Audience members have a responsibility to do their homework on their speaker just as much as a speaker should know his/her audience.  Prep beforehand.  
• It's difficult to bridge the language gap when presenting in a second language.  To do so, a concrete outline should be included at the beginning of the discussion.
• Written and Verbal Communication differ immensely.  Work on them equally.

Different yet Similar

Though differences exist between America's type of government (presidential republic) and Morocco's (constitutional monarchy), parts of their Legislative and Executive Branches resemble one another.

Today's focus is a continued look at Morocco's Legislative Branch (and the political parties that are represented in it) as well as a closer look into the Executive Branch with an introduction to the King's cabinet. As a reference point, I'll also include a look at their American counterparts.

As mentioned yesterday, the Legislative branch - like America's - consists of two parts.  However, the number of seats and length of terms between the two countries differ considerably.  Morocco's Chamber of Counselors (or Senate, if you will) consists of 270 seats, each held for nine years.  One-third of the seats change every three years.  Comparatively, the US Senate holds 100 seats with six-year terms and staggered elections.

The Moroccan Chamber of Representatives has 325 seats (compared to America's 435).  Representatives are elected by popular vote every five years to serve five-year terms, which are considerably longer than the two-year terms that US Representatives serve.

Results from the most recent elections may point us in a direction where we can begin to identify and better understand the more prominent political parties in the country.  This is necessary, as the CIA World Factbook listed over 30 relevant parties as of March.

The Chamber of Counselors election in 2003 (the latest with 'results by party' that I could find) resulted in seats predominantly divided among 10 parties: the RNI with 42 seats, MDS: 33, UC: 28, MP: 27, PND: 21, PI: 21, USFP: 16, MNP: 15, PA: 13, FFD: 12.

Results from the most recent Chamber of Representatives election in 2007 show that 10 parties primarily control the larger "lower house:" the PI won 52 seats, PJD: 46, MP: 41, RNI: 39, USFP: 38, UC: 27, PPS: 17, FFD: 9, MDS: 9, Al Ahd: 8.

From these numbers alone, the PI, RNI, UC, MP, USFP, MDS and FFD look well-represented in both chambers.  However, eight years have passed since the data collected on the Chamber of Counselors and may not accurately reflect the strength of some parties or the present makeup of the Moroccan "Senate."

A quick look at the full names of these parties can give us a little insight regarding their outlooks; additionally, I hope to learn more about their current objectives by identifying and looking at their current leaders in the future.  Unfortunately, I've been warned that words like "socialist" and even "democratic" may have different interpretations than what we're used to in the United States.

UC: Constitutional Union Party, led by Mohammed Abied
MDS: Democratic and Social Movement: Mahmoud Archane
FFD: Democratic Forces Front: Touhami El-Khiari
PI: Istiqlal (Independence) Party: Abbas El-Fassi
RNI: National Rally of Independents: Mustapha El-Mansouri
MP: Popular Movement: Mohamed Laenser
USFP: Socialist Union of Popular Forces: Abdelwahed Radi

Not officially represented in the government but possibly as involved, the ugly cousin to the recognized political party may just be the political pressure group.  Most countries have them, and my favorite source names five of them in Morocco, each of whom have the words "labor," "workers" or "employers" in their titles.

Moving to the Executive Branch, the King's Cabinet looks like President Obama's more than I originally thought.  Morocco's Executive Cabinet consists of 25 Ministers and at least four Cabinet-level officers that include the Prime Minister, Secretary General of the Government, Governor of the Bank of Morocco and Permanent Representative to the UN.

Though smaller, the United States Executive Cabinet is divided into 15 Departments that resemble the Moroccan Ministries and another seven Cabinet-level officers that include the Vice President, White House Chief of Staff, Director of the Office of Management and Budget, Administrator of the EPA, Trade Representative, Ambassador to the UN, and Chairperson to the Council of Economic Advisors.

As of March, the King's Cabinet consists of five Cabinet-level Officers and 25 Ministers.  They are:

Prime Minister: Abbas El-Fassi
Secretary General of the Government: Abdessadek Rabii
Governor, Bank al-Magrib: Abdellatif Jouahri
Ambassador to the US: Aziz Mekouar
Permanent Representative to the UN, New York: Mohammed Loulichki
Minister of Agriculture, Rural Development, & Sea Fisheries: Aziz Akhenouch
Minister of Communications & Government Spokesperson: Khalid Naciri
Minister of Culture: Bensalem Himmich
Minister of Economy & Finance: Salaheddine Mezouar
Minister of Employment & Vocational Training: Jamal Aghmani
Minister of Energy, Mines, Water & Environment: Amina Benkhadra
Minister of Equipment & Transport: Karim Ghellab
Minister of Foreign Affairs & Cooperation: Taieb Fassi-Fihri
Minister of Foreign Trade: Abdelatif Maazouz
Minister of Habous & Islamic Affairs: Ahmed Toufiq
Minister of Health: Yasmina Baddou
Minister of Industry, Commerce & New Technologies: Ahmed Chami
Minister of Interior: Taieb Cherkaoui
Minister of Justice: Mohammed Naciri
Minister of National Education, Higher Education, Staff Training & Scientific Research: Ahmed Akhchichine
Minister of Social Development, Family & Solidarity: Nouzha Skalli
Minister of State: Mohamed El-Yazghi
Minister of State: Mohand Laenser
Minister of Tourism, Handicrafts & Social Economy: Yassir Znagui
Minister of Youth & Sport: Moncef Belkhayat
Minister in Charge of Relations with Parliament: Driss Lachgar
Minister-Delegate to the Minister of Foreign Affairs & Cooperation in Charge of Moroccan Expatriate Affairs: Mohamed Ameur
Minister-Delegate to the Prime Minister in Charge of the Admin. of National Defense: Abdelatif El-Oudi
Minister-Delegate to the Prime Minister in Charge of General & Economic Affairs: Nizar Baraka
Minister-Delegate to the Prime Minister in Charge of Urbanization & Housing: Ahmed Toufiq Hejira

Though admittedly dry, I've enjoyed putting together the past couple days' posts, as they've been a much-needed start to my future goals at Al Akhawayn.  Hopefully, a couple of points opened your eyes not only to the Moroccan government but your own.

* For most of the information on the Legislative Branch, I used the same webpage from yesterday.
* For the 2003 election results for the Chamber of Counselors, I used: http://www.cosmoworlds.com/country_information/morocco.html

*For the King's Cabinet, I used the following source: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/world-leaders-1/world-leaders-m/morocco.html

On the Road (to Understanding Morocco's Government)

I'm currently making my way through Jack Kerouac's "On the Road."  Recognized as one of the 20th century's classics, the author's narrative begins with a little character development and the start of a grand trip from New York to California.  Hitch-hiking details and the author's optimism sparkle throughout the first 70 pages, but its his journey's beginning that speaks to me today.

At his onset, our novel's protagonist spots Highway 6 as his most direct route from New York to California.  Wanting to navigate it from beginning to end, he spends a day and night traveling out of his way north from New York City to Newburgh only to be redirected in a sopping wet state back to the City and a better starting point.  Fueled by his mistake, he sought a more direct route and was well on his way a day later.  Unfortunately, it appears that our traveler had to take a step backward before he could take two forward.

In that light, today's account is me taking my own step backward in outlining Morocco's government.  I know a little about it but not a lot.  Best I find my own Highway 6 in which to organize what I'm familiar and start to uncover where I'm ignorant.  Not a lot of personal narrative today; most of the following is information directly lifted from the CIA's World Factbook in an attempt to shed a little light on the governmental and political aspects of my host country.

As my own starting point, I hope this step backward speeds me along the road to understanding some of the country's foreign policy objectives and political processes in the future.  And, I hope that it broadens your understanding by providing a little context to some of the sites that I've shared over the past few months!

The Moroccan Flag flying along Agadir's coast and, in this picture, over the mountainous Oufalla in the distance.  Between the hilltop and the beach is written, "God, Country, King."

Since 1912, a red flag with a green pentacle (five-pointed, linear star) known as Sulayman's seal in its center represents Morocco.  Red and green are traditional colors in Arab flags, although the use of red is more commonly associated with the Arab states of the Persian gulf; the pentacle represents the five pillars of Islam and signifies the association between God and the nation.

The country's conventional name, "Kingdom of Morocco," isn't regularly used when people mention the country and is often replace by the short form, "Morocco."  However, to do so omits certain aspects of the political structure that shape the country and its place in North Africa and the Middle East.

Morocco's government isn't a presidential or parliamentary republic or any variation thereof; moreover, it's a monarchy but not an absolute monarchy.  It splits the uprights of absolutism (where the King runs everything) and parliamentary constitutionalism (where he doesn't exercise any formal power) and is labeled a "constitutional monarchy."

Prior to independence from France on March 2, 1956, the French protectorate moved the country's capital from Fes to Rabat in 1912 (where it's remained since), and the government currently presides over 15 (or 16 pending your views on Western Sahara) administrative divisions five hours ahead of Washington, DC during Standard Time.

These 15 regions resemble American counties, and I can say that I've visited  a part of each of them.  Large and small, they include: Grand Casablanca, Chaouia-Ouardigha, Doukkala-Abda, Fes-Boulemane, Gharb-Chrarda-Beni Hssen, Guelmim-Es Smara, Laayoune-Boujdour-Sakia El Hamra, Marrakech-Tensift-Al Haouz, Meknes-Tafilalet, Oriental, Rabat-Sale-Zemmour-Zaer, Souss-Massa-Draa, Tadla-Azilal, Tanger-Tetouan, Taza-Al Hoceima-Taounate.

The government has recognized a limited number of national holidays with "Throne Day" (the accession of King Mohammed VI to the throne on July 30, 1999) at the top of a list that includes Independence Day (November 18th), Youth Day (August 21st) and numerous Islamic holidays.

Morocco's Constitution was finalized on 10 March 1972 and was subsequently revised on September 4, 1992, and later amended in September, 1996 (when a bicameral legislature was created).

Kids are recognized as adults at the same age as in the United States and are then subject to a legal system "based on Islamic law and French and Spanish civil law systems" and presided over by a Judicial branch led by a Supreme Court whose judges are appointed by a monarch-led Council.

The Executive branch consists of the chief of state, King Mohammed VI (since his ascension to the throne in 1999), and the head of government, Prime Minister Abbas El-Fassi (since 19 September 2007).  The King's cabinet is a Council of Ministers appointed by the monarch.  Elections don't touch the monarchy (which is hereditary), and the prime minister is appointed by the monarch following legislative elections.

The Legislative branch is a bicameral Parliament consisting of two Chambers (or houses): The Chamber of Counselors and the Chamber of Representatives.  The Chamber of Counselors (or upper house) consists of 270 seats, and members are elected indirectly by local councils, professional organizations, and labor syndicates to serve nine-year terms.  One-third of the members are elected every three years, and the last election was held on October 3, 2009.

The Chamber of Representatives (or lower house) has 325 seats, and 295 members are elected by multi-seat constituencies, while the remaining 30 come from national lists of women.  Members are elected by popular vote every five years to serve five-year terms.  With 100% turnover, the last election was held on September 7, 2007.

Though most of the above information is fairly straight forward, the King's Cabinet and the Legislative branch deserve some continued investigating (tomorrow).

* Click here for my primary reference, the CIA World Factbook: Morocco.

Three Months in the Rear View

A quarter of my first year abroad has passed, and it did so slower than I imagined.  For all that I've heard about how time flies and the two and a half years "will pass before you know it," I have to admit that the first three months haven't felt like it.  I suppose this is the first point of my quarterly review.

For the remainder of this post, I'll take a look at a few of my initial goals and stand them up against how they've transitioned from "planning" to "doing."  These goals regard language proficiency, travel, socialization (meeting people), academics (understanding national and regional politics and history) and my profession (keeping up with being an Army officer).

These initial three months were the first of two "unstructured" quarters prior to beginning my advanced studies at a Moroccan university.  No set timelines; no bosses; just me making the most of my time abroad.  Prior to beginning this unchartered period, my goals were limited, focusing on language proficiency, traveling and socialization.

More specifically, I wanted to become familiar with the local dialect, continue my understanding of Arabic and travel around the country (and part of Europe) to see the cultures and begin interacting with people.  During this time, however, I took stock of my unique situation and set two more goals.

First, I added an academic goal: Understand the local and regional history and current political climate in order to assist my transition to the university in the fall.  Second, and professionally speaking, I sought to get back in shape.  Though neither of these were ground-breaking given my situation, I've structured them a little more than originally intended and feel they warrant a little attention.

Bottom line: I don't feel that I've met my language goals; however, I think I've met or exceeded my travel, socialization, academic and professional goals.

(1) Language proficiency has been difficult.  Some of this has been self-induced; some of it has been a result of this unique country and my prior training.  At the onset, I wanted to sustain my level of Arabic proficiency, begin to understand the local dialect (Darija) and begin to familiarize myself with French.  I've done none of them to the level I wanted.

On my own accord, I've not sought opportunities to practice speaking Arabic with the locals as much as I could.  To keep up the speaking part of my language proficiency, I've tended to predominantly speak with cab drivers, restaurant staff and private instructors.  Having my own vehicle has limited my exposure to the first set while my desire to get back in shape (and subsequently diet) has curbed the number of the second group.  Not wanting to pay out of pocket for private instruction has subsequently decreased the third set.  This hasn't been by design or all-inclusive.  I've improved my speaking abilities in some areas, such as fluency and pronunciation; however, my vocabulary has decreased.  If your reading this as a future scholar and language is your most important goal, seek out like-minded local nationals more vigilantly than I have!

Regarding the situation, it's just been difficult to find people with whom to speak in Arabic.  No one in the streets appears to speak it unless they're making fun of a news broadcast or doing their equivalent to our snobby British accent.  Darija or French are the staples but have been a bridge too far for me to comprehend up to this point.  With my shrinking Arabic vocabulary, I've decided not to pursue learning them after my brief four-week Darija orientation (which was still quite helpful).  Future scholars may benefit from having a basic understanding of the dialect prior to arriving in an Arab country.

In terms of prior training, I don't believe that the program of instruction in Monterey was most beneficial for future foreign area officers or those studying abroad.  There are numerous reasons, but the primary one is the lack of emphasis on speaking that I encountered.  From my estimate, the course was primarily designed not for the speaker but for the linguist, who requires a different skill set.  Though a great course for the linguist, I would recommend that future scholars study Arabic in a different setting prior to beginning their time abroad, if possible.

(2) Traveling has been my highest priority and the one goal that I believe that I've met thus far.  For the first month, I wanted to be familiar with my host city, Rabat.  Complete.  For the second month, I wanted to travel to each corner of the country and see the big cities.  With the exceptions of two corners: complete.  For the third month, the goal was to branch to Europe and revisit Moroccan areas of interest.  Complete.

There are two causes for this high priority.  First, I prefer to do and experience rather than read and theorize.  Why read about these places when you can go to them?  Second, I've not traveled a lot and feel the NEED to get out there.  Not having any travel to Africa or Europe under my belt prior to this experience aside from a short time spent in Germany has made the decision to travel all the easier.  Further, this "unstructured" time is sandwiched between long periods spent "in the books," making the option to travel more guilt-free.

(3) The socialization goal has been a little trickier to gage.  As a rough estimate, I've had mixed successes with getting to know people and establish lasting relationships.  With American and European ex-patriots, I've had more success than anticipated.  It's been easy to find and get to know the various flavors of fellows, travelers and workers here in Rabat.  Most fascinating is the range of motivations and goals that have brought them here.

Less successful, as I've alluded to before, has been my ability to meet locals with whom I've been able to maintain relationships.  Reasons include my irregular schedule, the Arabic / dialect divide and a general common interest gap.  At this point, however, I'm not extremely worried because I've begun reaching out a little more and only see my affiliation growing with local groups over the summer.  Further, the university will provide a common setting for group interaction in the fall.

(4) Regarding my new-found academic goal, I feel that my written and reading language proficiency, travel and this blog have assisted me in obtaining it over the past couple of months.  The first two factors go hand-in-hand with learning the political and historical nuances of this nation and the region.  Being able to read the news and books in Arabic has certainly opened doors to understanding another perspective while being able to visit historical and cultural places provides invaluable context and experiences that tend to stick a little longer than words on paper.

However, the biggest factor that's helped me in this respect has been this blog.  Though I only started recently, I've used the bottom portion of my "scroll" to capture the satellite or internet news, articles from a local periodical and thoughts about the books I'm currently reading.  After posting, I save them to my archives for future use.

The blog has created a forum in which to capture the thoughts; hopefully, the archives save me a little time when I begin my studies in the fall.  Combined, they've given me a larger sense of purpose than self-knowledge: sharing a different perspective with you.  How does the Arab or international media view a particular event?  What are some national concerns outside of America?  How do the Arabs view the crusades?  Though less interesting than visiting Fes or escaping monkeys in Marrakesh's Jamaa el-Fna, they're an important part of my experience.

(5) Another important part of my experience - and career - happens to be my physical fitness.  Fortuitously enough, one of my classmates has provided me a great opportunity to get back in shape as well as contribute to a worthy cause.  As a result, I've re-prioritized my fitness goals a little earlier than I expected by getting back into "marathon shape."

Though I don't want to get into the particulars just yet (can you sense a blog about this later?), my goal has been to finish a 54-mile ultra-marathon in June and raise $2000 to assist Team Red, White and Blue provide advocates to wounded warriors and assist their transition from the war-front to the home-front (donate here).  Given this worthy cause, it's been easy to swap Marlboro's and fatty Tajines for a heart rate monitor and over twenty miles a week in running shoes.  My transition back to the Infantry in a couple years should benefit from this as well!

This was a different approach from my first month's review and will likely continue on a quarterly basis.  If I missed anything or you'd like more specifics, let me know and I'll do my best to oblige.  Until then, you'll hear from me after I explore one of my previously non-visited corners!

Morocco's Underwhelming Demonstrations

It's been a couple days since Morocco's big demonstrations, and there's good reason why I decided to go to - and post about - Tangier and Chefchaouen rather than discuss Morocco's political climate the past few days.  Actually, there's been a couple reasons.  First, from my perspective in the nation's capital, there just hasn't been anything similar to the rest of the Middle East going on here.  Second, the one event that did happen (the 20 February Demonstrations) wasn't worth getting stirred up about.

The Royal Palace and Parliament (not pictured, right).  No one stirring.

But some time's passed, I walked around today, talked to some locals and I feel like discussing what I've seen and read about the political situation here.  Before I do though, I just want to add that every country in the Middle East (or the parts I've seen of it) is different due to numerous factors.  Most times, these matters differ from what we see in the U.S.; sometimes they're the same.  And other times, the least of these factors is actually the guy sitting at the head of the table.

As you may know, since Tunisia cleared the head of its table, pretty much every Arab country except some gulf states has conducted newsworthy demonstrations demanding either the removal of leadership, sweeping reforms within their governments, or both.  Tunisia and Egypt got what they wanted, and others may be on their way.

Morocco, however, will not be one of them.  Despite not having a unified goal, organizers tried to get some specified demands answered but ultimately didn't have their hearts in it during their "big" nation-wide demonstrations on February 20th.  Now, after a lackluster showing, I believe that the "movement" in Morocco is done - finished (or more accurately, never started).  In my opinion (and it's still pretty raw), the 20 February demonstrations were a dip-the-toe-in-the-water moment designed to test the nation's resolve for change.  Given the underwhelming numbers of participants, that water appears to be pretty cool.  Estimates have varied as to how cool though.

The Washington Post reported a "weak turnout" of about 8,000 people.  A little later, Al-Jazeera (Arabic) put the number of nation-wide demonstraters above 35,000 but noted the peaceful atmosphere.  Today, my copy of the Rabat circular called it 37,000.  Still, the population of the country sits around 35 million and the rally was held on a weekend.  Quick math tells me only about .1% of the population participated at a convenient time.

On top of the low numbers, the flavor of the demonstrations differed from the others.  Whereas demonstrations in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen demanded regime change as the primary goal, few newspapers and no Moroccans cited removal of the nation's King, Mohammed VI, as a motive for the February 20th Moroccan demonstrations.

Rather, it appears that the majority of Moroccans marched because they were pissed about unemployment, corruption in the Parliamant and the level of power-sharing between Parliament and the Monarch.  The Washington Post adds that demonstrators wanted better economic opportunity, educational reform, health services and government assistance with rising living costs.

Further, most of the demonstration sites were organized and peaceful, probably due to the fact that the Moroccan population is allowed to legally demonstrate (unlike populations elsewhere).  However, the Post also reported violence breaking out in Marrakesh as "youths threw rocks and mobs overturned and torched parked cars."

Also, the BBC reported the next day that five men were "killed" and burned in the north but sounded unconvinced that their deaths were the result of political uprise.  In the local newspaper this morning, the Minister of Interior confirmed that five burnt corpses were found in a northern city.  But, he too maintained a distance between their cause of deaths and the demonstrations.

So the demonstrations happened, had some violent moments and got some print space in the papers.  But, what kind of televised coverage are they getting compared to other Middle Eastern countries?  Well, after watching yesterday's news for about eight hours on Al-Arabiyah and Al-Jazeera, Morocco's demonstrations weren't discussed once, and I didn't see any headlines of them "rolling" across the bottom of the screen.  I saw a two-minute segment on them this morning, but that was it.

So far, they haven't stacked up at all.  But in all fairness, it's kind of difficult to compete with Qaddafi, as Libya's leader has everyone even forgetting about Egypt already.  I imagine Morocco's King (as well as other Arab leaders) has already called Colonel Qaddafi for an unneeded personal thank you.

So, why is Morocco different?  In explaining why the demonstration's results were different from the rest of the Middle East, both the Washington Post and BBC are quick to paint the country in a different light than its Arab neighbors.  The Post says that Morocco's economy is better and more stable than its neighbors, citing tourism growth, respectable gross domestic and national products and strong ties to the West as contributing factors.  The BBC notes the king's reforms over the past 12 years and how progressive he's been with technology and freedom of speech compared to the rest of the Middle East.

I see their logic and agree with both points.  But, another possible reason for the lackluster showing may have been that the opposition leadership didn't have a clear or united purpose.  I like how the Post described the call-to-demonstrate on Facebook:

The self-styled "February 20 movement" - apparently not for any particular historic reason - was largely summoned through social media like Facebook. 

But the open call to demonstrate also caused confusion, as disparate political and religious groups elbowed their way in and sought to reshape a protest movement to serve their own ends.

One youth-led group initially behind the call to march - whose name translates as the Freedom and Democracy Now Movement - canceled its plan to take part on Saturday, saying the movement was hijacked by leftist political parties and Islamists seeking to infuse ideology and faith issues.

To me, this type of political bickering screams "Hey! Everyone else is doing it, let's do it too!  Wait, what do we want again?"  So, I haven't taken these demonstrations too seriously and had to chuckle at the Post's world-map description of it last night - though factually accurate (as far as I could tell), they certainly picked some choice words to make the story more interesting!

Demonstrators Today NOT "Picking a Fight" in front of the Royal Palace and a Ministry of Education Building

This "movement" should pass quickly enough (if it hasn't already), but specific demonstrations regarding the country's bigger issues will justifiably continue...as they have in the past.